90TH
DIVISION ENTERS LINE OCTOBER 21-22
THE policy of the 1st Army during
this offensive was to use every division to its maximum capacity. The number of combatant divisions was
limited, and the United States army had been given a task, the achieving of
which virtually meant the defeat of the German armies on the Western
front. All the Allies were putting in
every ounce of energy at this time in the hope of ending the war before winter. Hence it was necessary that the division, which
is the principal unit of combat, should so conserve its force as to be able to
carry on a long sustained operation under trying circumstances. With this in view, the policy was followed
of designating one brigade as an attacking brigade and the other brigade as the
reserve brigade. The attacking brigade
was thus replaced by the reserve one when heavy casualties and utter exhaustion
made it absolutely necessary that the former be withdrawn for rest and
replacements.
So when the 90th Division went into
the line of the Meuse-Argonne front, the night of October 21-22, the 179th
Brigade relieved the 10th Brigade of the 5th Division (the 357th took over from
the 6th Infantry, and the 358th from the 11th Infantry) , and the 180th Brigade
moved up from Jouy and Rampont to the Bois de Cuisy. The 155th Field Artillery Brigade (80th Division), which was
already in the sector, was attached to the Division.
The artillery fire was very severe
the night of the relief, and not all of the machine guns had been cleared out
of Clairs ChLne woods.
Lieutenant Thomas R. Ridley, Company L, 358th Infantry, was killed the
morning of October 22 by high explosive in the Bois des Rappes.
Where the 5th Division had left off
the 90th Division took up the task of developing the Freya Stellung and
establishing a good jump-off position for the next general attack, which came
on November 1.
The front line, as taken over on
October 21, ran as follows: The 357th Infantry connected with the 89th Division
on the northern outskirts of Romagne-sous-Montfaucon, and held a line extending
over the ridge northwest of the town to the Bois de la Pultiere, whence the
358th Infantry extended the line around the western and northern edges of the
Bois des Rappes to the northeastern corner of the woods, there making
connection with the 3d Division. The
89th Division remained on our left until the armistice. The 3d Division was relieved on the night of
October 26-27 by the 5th Division, which retained thereafter the position on
our right.
Thus it will be seen that the
Germans held a pocket between the Bois des Rappes and Bois de Bantheville, in
which were included the towns of Bantheville and Bourrut. The first mission of the 90th Division was
to straighten out the line by cutting off this pocket.
About nine o’clock on the night of October 22, a long message in
code was received at P. C. O’Neil – a deep German dugout at Madeleine Farm –
which message, when translated into every-day language, was an order to advance
the line on the following day to include the towns of Bantheville and Bourrut
and also the ridge to the northwest of Bourrut, known as Hill 270.
View of village of Bantheville, showing the results of
heavy shelling,
first by American artillery and later by the Germans.
THE mission assigned the 179th
Brigade was achieved by the 1st and 3d Battalions of the 357th Infantry. To the 1st Battalion was assigned the
principal role. The commanding officer,
Major Aubrey G. Alexander, received his orders at the brigade P. C. after
midnight of October 22-23, and rushed back to his own P. C. to move his
battalion under cover of darkness to their jumping-off place in the Bois de
Chauvignon, a kilometer and a half southwest of Bantheville, in the sector of
the 89th Division. By starting from
this position it was hoped to avoid the losses which a long advance across the
open north of Romagne would naturally involve.
From this position the 1st Battalion was to advance, first due north,
cleaning out the sunken roads which ran into Bantheville from the west, and
also the enemy machine gunners who were still believed to be lurking in the
Bois de Bantheville. Having reached the
sunken road, Company D was to veer to the right, mopping up Bantheville, then
turning again to the left to take Hill 270 in flank. The 3d Battalion was to jump off from its trenches and advance
north, taking Bourrut and connecting with the 3d Battalion of the 358th Infantry.
The affair started at 3 P. M., after
thirty minutes’ artillery bombardment of Bantheville and Bourrut. Bantheville was soon taken, together with a
machine gun and the crew left to delay the American advance. But on leaving the town, Company D was
forced to pass through a heavy barrage.
Undaunted, they made their way through the curtain of fire, turned aside
to clean up some machine gun nests in Bourrut which were holding up the 3d
Battalion, and reached the objective.
Captain Beauford H. Jester had been badly gassed during the attack, but
remained with the company.
The total casualties from this
affair were only about twenty. The 3d
Battalion suffered the heaviest.
Captain Harry E. Windebank was killed by shell fire: Lieutenant C. W. Paine,
Company I, was knocked down and slightly injured by high explosive; and
Lieutenant E. C. Martin, Company I, was saved only by his helmet, a fragment
piercing the steel and entering his head.
The regimental 37-mm, platoon was
able to render valuable assistance in this attack by firing on machine gun
emplacements. The trench mortar platoon
followed up the infantry, and remained to consolidate the position. Its commanding officer, Lieutenant Robert C.
Murphy, was wounded by high explosive on October 26 and died two days later.
Lieutenant Albert Garther, Company
A, who had joined the regiment at Bois de Sivry, was killed by a machine gun
bullet. He had received his commission
at an Officers’ Training School in France.
The success of the 179th Brigade in
establishing its position, and in sticking to it without a single man wavering
or yielding an inch (this success coming at a period of the operations of the
1st Army when straggling had become a curse), won the highest commendation of
the higher commanders. The commanding
general of the army sent the following congratulations:
“The army commander directs that you
convey to the commanding general, officers, and men of the 90th Division his
appreciation of their persistent and successful efforts in improving the line
by driving the enemy from the Grand Carré Farm and the Bois de Bantheville.
(Signed)
H. A. DRUM.”
To this message the commanding
general of the 3d Army Corps added the following:
“The difficulties under which the 3d
Corps has labored to improve its position have been numerous and great, and the
part the 90th Division took in establishing the present advantageous position
of this corps is deeply appreciated by the corps commander, and he adds his
congratulations to those of the commanding general of the army for the vigorous
and untiring efforts of the personnel thereof, whose resolution and fortitude
are worthy of the best traditions of the American.
(Signed)
J. L. HINES.”
That night word came down from corps
headquarters that intelligence reports pointed to an enemy withdrawal for ten
miles opposite our front, and orders were given to gain and keep active contact
with the enemy. Patrols from the 357th
Infantry soon gained contact of the liveliest sort and were forced to retire to
our lines. Lieutenant Bateman of
Company I was taken prisoner. Two
companies of the 3d Battalion, 358th Infantry, succeeded in crossing the Andon
brook before being halted by machine gun fire along the Aincreville-Bantheville
road. Major Terry D. Allen, commanding
the 3d Battalion, was cited in a division order for his coolness and bravery in
this action.
At 11 o’clock on October 24,
following an artillery preparation, a further attack was made to mop up
positions from which the enemy continued to harass us. The result was that the top of Hill 270 was
established as No Man’s Land. During
the brief struggle the 1st Battalion alone took forty-one prisoners and six
machine guns. But the 1st Battalion
also suffered heavy losses, particularly in the fighting around Grand Carré
Farm. Companies E, G, and H, 2nd
Battalion, which had been sent up to reinforce the 1st Battalion, also
participated in the successes and losses.
Lieutenant Henry C. DeGrummond, Company K, and Lieutenant Edmund K.
Whitaker, Machine Gun Company, 357th Infantry, received machine gun
wounds. Lieutenant Whitaker was wounded
while making a reconnaissance for his guns to protect the 1st Battalion’s right
flank. Corporal Charles F. Chaffin
continued his work and carried out his orders.
Lieutenant DeGrummond was wounded before the advance got under way.
The Germans retaliated during the
afternoon with a mustard gas concentration.
Captain William F. Cooper, commanding the 3d Battalion; Lieutenant Ed.
McCoy, his adjutant; and Captain Joseph M. Simpson, 357th Machine Gun Company,
were evacuated. Lieutenant W. B.
Johnson, regimental intelligence officer, took command of the battalion for a
day, until relieved by Captain John Hopkins, Headquarters Company.
During the day of October 25
occurred an incident both dramatic and amusing in its appeal to the human
emotions. Aniello Spamanato, an Italian
who had been drafted and was now a private in Company L, 357th Infantry, found
himself, with three other soldiers, on outpost duty just north of Bourrut.
Their position was being harassed by a machine gun manned by six
Germans. After killing one German with
a rifle shot, Spamanato suggested to his comrades that they go after the
machine gun. The others being
unwilling, the little Italian started out alone. He killed two of the Germans and captured the remaining three,
whom he forced to carry the gun back to our lines. He was allowed to conduct his prisoners back to division
headquarters, and there, in broken English, Spamanato explained what he had
done. For this exploit he was awarded
the D. S. C.
THE following days were severe
and trying. About 5:30 P. M., October
25, the Germans made an attempt to regain their lost ground. Following a terrific preparation lasting
about forty minutes, enemy infantry made a rush for the top of the hill
opposite Company D, 1st Battalion, 357th Infantry. The counter-attack was stopped by rifle and machine gun
fire. The 357th Machine Gun Company,
which had played its part in taking these positions, rendered very great
service by holding them and continually harassing the opposing forces.
The official communiqué for October
26 read: “On the Verdun front, yesterday evening, the enemy extended to the
west side of the Meuse his efforts to wrest from our troops the gains of the
preceding days. In the region of
Bantheville, after artillery preparation lasting half an hour, he attacked our
positions between the Bois des Rappes and the Bois de Bantheville. After sharp fighting he was repulsed with
heavy losses, our line remaining everywhere unchanged.”
On the afternoon of October 26 the
second counter-attack was delivered.
This was noted in the official communiqué of October 27 as follows:
“North of Verdun the enemy renewed without success his attempts to regain the
ground lost in recent fighting.
Yesterday evening an attack launched with strong forces against our
positions between Bantheville and the Bois des Rappes broke down under our
artillery fire before reaching our lines.” A modest notice, but full of
suggestion! It is safe to assume that
no Texan or Oklahoman, on reading the communiqué for October 27, realized that
lives of loved ones had been in the balance, but that the danger “broke down.” So close was the fighting that hand-grenades
were used.
For a week the 3d Battalion, 358th
Infantry, clung perilously to its position along the Aincreville-Bantheville
road. The two companies which held this
position were in a hotbed of Boche snipers and trench mortars, which found
effective concealment in Aincreville and the Ravin l’Etaillon. Early on the morning of October 23, while
patrolling toward Aincreville, Lieutenant Lyle K. Morgan, Company M, was killed
by a rifle shot, and immediately afterward George F. Dobbs of the same company
was severely wounded. Owing to the
peculiar situation of the 3d Battalion, the only avenue of communication was
down the open slope from the Bois des Rappes and across the Andon brook, and
the slightest move by day brought forth a hail of bullets from German
sharpshooters. “Chow details” which
attempted to fetch a bit of food for their comrades across the creek suffered
particularly until Sergeant Charles Ward, Company K, with deadly aim succeeded
in “bagging” the Hun. Sergeant Ward
himself received several bullet holes in his helmet and the back of his blouse.
The 344th Machine Gun Battalion,
commanded by Major Claude B. Gullette, played an important role during this
period. Its best opportunity came when
two companies in the Bois des Rappes succeeded in catching the Germans in a
terrific barrage while forming up in the Ravin Cheline for a counterattack
against our positions. The 358th
Machine Gun Company, commanded by Captain Mark D. Fowler, also participated in
this barrage. On October 30 the machine
guns of the 179th Brigade assisted the 5th Division in the taking of
Aincreville by firing on enemy positions to the north and west of the
town. Aincreville was easily taken, but
was immediately afterward subjected to such heavy artillery fire that it was
necessary to withdraw from the town.
Captain Clarke W. Clarke, who had brought the 358th Machine Gun Company
to France, was gassed at Vilcey-sur-Trey on September 14.
The stubbornness of the fighting in
this region is to be attributed not only to the determination to hold this
precious ground, but also to the quality of the German divisions opposing our
troops. When the Division entered the
line the sector opposite was held by the 123d Division, with which the men had
become acquainted in the St. Mihiel attack.
As has been seen, this division was in reserve at the beginning of
operations on September 12, and was thrown in to counter-attack, colliding with
the 3d Battalion, 357th Infantry, on September 14. All three of its regiments were identified by prisoners captured
in taking Bantheville. Following this
attack, however, two regiments were relieved by the 109th Body Grenadier
Regiment and the 110th Grenadier Regiment of the 28th Division, which were put
in by the enemy to regain the lost ground and hold it at all costs. On the night of October 26-27 the 40th
Fusilier Regiment of the 28th Division came into line between the 109th and the
110th, with orders to counter-attack on the morning of October 27.
This 28th Division was one of the
best divisions in the German army, and had won such a reputation as shock
troops that it was known as “The Kaiser’s Favorite.”
“Chow” detail, Company D, 358th Infantry, 90th
Division, taking bread
and hot “chow”
to the men I front lines, Bois des Rappes,
near Cunel,
Meuse, France, October 25, 1918.
NOT only the troops actually in
the front line, but the rear areas as well, were subjected during this period
to intermittent bombardment which took its daily toll. The Bois des Rappes and the area around
Madeleine Farm were favorite targets.
The 1st Battalion, 358th Infantry, in support of the 3d Battalion,
suffered heavily from this fire.
Lieutenant (later Captain) J. P. Woods and Lieutenant Haley G.
Heavenhill were wounded by shrapnel; the woods continually reeked with “yellow
and blue cross” gas, and Lieutenant Ralph D. Walker, the sole remaining officer
of Company D, was overcome and evacuated.
On October 25, when the battalion was moving to the northern edge of the
Bois des Rappes to support the 3d Battalion more closely, a shell dropped
directly in front of Lieutenant Samson B. Brasher, Company A, killing him and
his orderly, Private James F. Matlock.
Nor was life still further to the
rear any more pleasant. The headquarters
of the 180th Brigade, in Nantillois, were continually shelled; Lieutenant John
H. Byrd, assistant adjutant being severely wounded by a shell fragment while
eating lunch. The
Montfaucon-Nantillois-Cunel road was constantly harassed, particularly in the vicinity
of the junction of the Nantillois-Cunel and the Nantillois-Cierges roads. There were ammunition and food dumps near
this junction. Field Hospital No. 360,
which was also in this neighborhood, suffered from the searching artillery fire
on October 25. A shell passed through
one ward tent and demolished two other ward tents. Two men were killed, a sergeant was mortally wounded, Lieutenant
Lee Woodward and twelve enlisted men were seriously wounded, and four other men
were slightly injured.
The 90th Division chaplains, with
the aid of details furnished by infantry and engineer units, undertook the work
of burying the scores of dead of the 4th and 5th Divisions. Which had suffered very heavily in the
severe fighting in this region. There
were corpses in all parts of the divisional sector, particularly in the Bois
des Rappes. The burials were carried on
despite the constant shelling. While
engaged in this duty, Chaplain Charles D. Priest was mortally wounded by the
explosion of a shell near him on October 27.
He was buried at Rampont on October 30 by the Division chaplain. Chaplains F. A. Magee, 357th Infantry, and
Milles F. Hoon, 358th Infantry, were wounded about the same time.
Chaplain Priest was known as one of
the bravest men of the Division, and was posthumously awarded the D. S. C. On one occasion he buried a man in a
position enfiladed by a German one-pounder.
After two burial squads had been driven from the work, Chaplain Priest
himself shouldered the tools and went out and dug the grave, placed the body in
its resting-place with a short service, covered it over, and returned to our
lines. The one-pounder dug holes in the
ground all around the chaplain but he stuck to his work.
Despite the severity of the fighting
which marked the establishing of our line north of Bantheville, the operations
were only a prelude to the general attack on the army front on November 1. The 180th Brigade was chosen to make this
attack for the Division.
All corps orders during this period
directed the Division to “improve its position in preparation for further
attack.” On October 28 was issued the
corps field order outlining the attack, big preparations for which were already
under way. By this time the 179th
Brigade was pretty well spent. Only
eight officers remained in the 1st Battalion, 357th Infantry, and some
companies were so badly reduced that it was necessary to consolidate them. October 31 proved to be “D minus one day” –
that is, one day before the big attack.
The 180th Brigade, which was to
deliver the attack, was brought into line the night of October 30-31, long
enough before the attack to allow it to become familiar with the terrain. This policy proved to be doubly wise in view
of the heavy artillery reaction the night before the attack, which reaction
would have caught both brigades at the worst possible moment, when relieving
and relieved troops are both in the forward zone. As it turned out, the relief was made without a casualty.
On October 30 the Division P. C.
moved to Romagne-sous-Montfaucon, being housed in dugouts constructed by the
Engineers and made more comfortable by the Headquarters Troop under the
direction of Captain Donald Henderson.
The stage was now set for the third
and last phase of the battle of the Meuse-Argonne.
Former German headquarters building in Cunel,
used as dressing station be 3d Battalion, 359th
Infantry.
BRIGADDIER-GENERAL ULYSSES G. McALEXANDER, U.S.A.
Commanding the 180th Infantry Brigade
TEXAS BRIGADE BREAKS FREYA
STELLUNG
PRIOR to arriving at a decision as to the best manner of
attack, any commander, from a corporal leading a squad to General Pershing
himself, must study all the factors affecting his own and the enemy
forces. This mental process is
described in Field Service Regulations – the Bible of the soldier – as an
“estimate of the situation.” In order,
then, to understand the plan of attack of November 1 it will be necessary for
the reader to make such an estimate.
Under the head of our own forces, it suffices to say that when the 180th
Brigade jumped off on November 1 its strength was only at 50 per cent, of its
officers and 65 per cent of its enlisted personnel. The headings which will require explanation are: the terrain, the
organization of that terrain by the Germans for defense, and the intentions of
the enemy – that is, whether or not the Germans planned to hold their present
positions or were merely lighting a rear-guard action preparatory to a general
retirement.
First, then, must be understood the
terrain over which the advance was to be made.
The principal feature on the immediate front of the Division was the
wooded ridge running north along the left boundary – that is, roughly speaking,
between Grand Carré Farm and the heights north of Andevanne. From this high ground there was an open
slope toward the Meuse. This open
ground was cut on the front of the 90th Division into three ridges, and by two
ravines which flowed in a southeasterly direction into the Andon brook. The highest point of the region was a
heavily wooded hill known as Côte 243, which was just west of
Villers-devant-Dun and linked up with the wooded ridge along the left boundary.
Sloping north from Côte 243 was a
relatively open space of an average width of two kilometers before entering the
dense Bois de TailIy, Bois de Montigny, Bois de Mont, and Bois de Sassey. The first two woods, which formed a
continuous forest, were separated from the last-named two woods by a deep
ravine, along which ran the Villers-Montigny road. The northeastern edge of this wooded area marked the crest of a
high bluff. From the foot of these
bluffs to the Meuse the country was flat and open.
As to the organization of the
terrain by the enemy, suffice it to say that on November 1 the 90th Division
held a line opposite the Freya Stellung.
This defensive position, which the Germans relied upon to hold the
American attacks, and was organized in depth to include a first or covering
position between Aincreville and Grand Carré Farm, and, secondly, the main line
of resistance, which embraced Andevanne, Côte243, and Villers-devant-Dun. And it was manned with troops rated among
the best in the German army. The enemy
order of battle, at the beginning of the operation, was, from west to east,
88th Division, 28th Division, and 107th Division. “The Kaiser’s Favorite” held most of the sector, but there were
elements of the 88th and 107th Divisions on the flanks.
As the operations in the
Meuse-Argonne region shaded into what is popularly known as “open warfare,” as
compared with “trench warfare” and “warfare of position,” there was not to be
found on this front the maze of trenches and entanglements, such as faced the
Division at St. Mihiel. The artificial
defenses consisted for the most part of pits for machine gunners and
“fox-holes,” The latter are individual pits dug at scattered intervals so as to
afford the maximum protection from shell fire.
There was some wire, particularly on Côte 243, but the enemy relied
principally upon machine guns, concealed in woods, holes, and isolated farms or
villages, to bar the way.
Practically all of the above
information was known by General McAlexander before he was called upon to make
his decision as to the manner in which the attack would be made. This information was supplied by the second
section of the General Staff. The story
of the life of the Boche, his home and his habits, had been pieced together by
Lieutenant-Colonel H. C. Tatum and the regimental and battalion intelligence
officers, from evidence received by ground observation, aerial observation and
photographs, the statements of prisoners, and other sources.
The one element in the “estimate of
the situation” still a bit doubtful was “intentions of the enemy.” Several
matters are worthy of note in this connection.
In the first place, it was evident that the enemy would hold on to every
inch of soil here in order not to sacrifice what remained of the big armies
still retreating from the Laon salient toward Germany, Then there was the
quality of the divisions opposing the 90th Division – first class; and the sort
of resistance they offered – to the death.
At the same time it was necessary to keep in mind the possibility of a
retirement or a break through at any time, and the American armies must be prepared
to take up the pursuit.
THE plan of attack for the
Division, which was issued as Field Order No. 13 – lucky number! – was
generally as follows:
The 90th Division, as at St. Mihiel,
was on the right flank of the 1st Army attack.
On our left was the 5th Corps, which by a direct drive was to seize the
ridge of the Bois de Barricourt and the heights northeast of Bayonville, thus
effecting a complete rupture of the enemy’s main line of resistance the first
day. The 5th Division – the other front
line division of the 3d Corps – was to hold on our right, merely sending out
patrols to reconnoiter the Bois de Babiemont and Côte 261, the only two spots
of possible danger in their front.
These two points were on the brink of a huge basin, in the center of
which was a small elevation called 216.
The town of Doulcon is located in this “punch bowl.” The wooded heights
north of the “punch bowl,” known as Bois de Sassey, were to be saturated with
“yellow cross” gas so as to eliminate any danger from that flank.
The principal mission of the 90th
Division on the first day of the general attack was to capture the wooded ridge
along the left boundary of the Division.
The 360th Infantry was assigned this task. To their right the 359th Infantry was to attack northeast across
Cheline and Etaillon ravines, covering the flank of the 360th Infantry. The front of the 360th Infantry was made
very narrow, and the infantry attack was to be supported powerfully by a deep
rolling barrage of four waves, in addition to gas, smoke, and overhead machine
gun fire, in order that the mission of the regiment might be accomplished as
speedily as possible. As has been
pointed out in the description of the terrain, the Andevanne ridge dominated
the open space which the 359th was to cross; hence that regiment’s advance must
follow the neutralization of the woods to the left. Furthermore, the possession of this ridge would facilitate the
advance of the 89th Division on our left.
The first day’s attack was divided
into two phases. There was an
intermediate objective – Hills 300 and 278 and Cheline Ravine – which all
troops were scheduled to reach by two hours and a half after H hour, and where
all units were to halt, catch their breath, and start off afresh. Then there was the corps objective, the
final objective for the day, which included the heights north and northeast of
Andevanne and the ridge running southeast from Andevanne to Croix St. Mouclen, a
point one kilometer west of Aincreville.
Nothing was left to chance. The
exact rate of advance, with varying speed limits across the open, up the hills,
and through the woods, was set forth in orders, and the exact position of every
unit throughout the attack was planned in advance. On the second day, however, there was no “set piece,” but merely
an “exploitation”; that is, on November 2 each organization was to advance as
far as local successes and the nature of enemy resistance on their front would
permit.
Grand Carre Farm, located northwest of Bantheville on
the high ground in close
proximity to
shell-torn woods. Used by the Germans
for an observation post,
it was the
scene of heavy fighting on October 23 and November 1.
Captured by
the 360th Infantry on November 1.
A DESCRIPTION of the thrust of
the 360th Infantry is the most logical starting-point of the narration of the
attack of November 1. The 3d Battalion,
commanded by Major J. W. F. Allen, which was to make the assault for the
regiment, took up its position for the jump-off just north of the road leading
northwest from Bantheville, at the point where it loops around the northeast
corner of the Bois de Bantheville. The
2d Battalion in support, and the 1st Battalion in reserve, were in position in
the Bois de Bantheville and the sunken roads to the east of the woods. Some casualties were suffered from an enemy
heavy artillery fire which opened about midnight. The regimental P. C., located in a light shelter in the Bois de Bantheville,
suffered a direct hit about 1:30 A. M.
There were twenty-six casualties in the regimental headquarters
detachment during the night. The
American artillery bombardment, which opened at 3:30 A. M., also brought down
an enemy counter-preparation.
H hour was 5:30 A. M. No sooner had the assaulting wave debouched
from its cover when a terrific machine gun fire poured into the lines. Particular trouble was experienced from the
direction of Grand Carré Farm, which was well situated on the top of the open
ridge. Despite the thoroughness of our
magnificent artillery barrage, many enemy gunners found cover in the shelters
in the vicinity of the farm and came to the surface again in time to catch the
advancing infantry.
But the men of Companies I and K,
forming the assaulting wave, were not to he daunted. Particularly heroic was the conduct of the 2d Platoon of Company
K, which succeeded in capturing the Grand Carré Farm, thus putting out of
action the enemy guns which were holding up the entire line. Led by Sergeant Frank B. Losscher, who was
awarded the D. S. C. for this feat, this platoon maneuvered to the right of the
strong point, and by the use of rifle and rifle-grenade fire and hand-grenades
forced the garrison to yield. Seventy
Germans were rounded up in one dugout, and fourteen machine guns were captured.
Lieutenant
Wylie Murray, Lieutenant James H. Crosby, and Lieutenant John Sieber were
wounded during this fighting.
Lieutenant Murray later died of his wounds. Lieutenant Fleming Burk, commanding Company D, which was
maintaining liaison with the 89th Division, was wounded, Lieutenant Alfred L.
Jones taking command in his stead.
Lieutenant Patrick Edwards and Lieutenant Mason Coney, of the regimental
machine gun company, were evacuated.
After
capturing Hills 300 and 278 the battalion halted on the intermediate objective
for thirty minutes, in accordance with the field order. This delay in the operation afforded the
enemy a breathing-spell during which machine guns and light artillery were
concentrated on the battalion front. At
8: 30 A. M. an attempt was made to resume the advance, but the line was halted
by a withering fire. Twice again a
start forward was made, but the result was so ghastly that the line was halted,
the men taking refuge in shell-holes, and the situation reported to regimental
headquarters. Colonel Price ordered the
2d Battalion to take up the advance.
The battalion was led by Major Hall Etter, who, as a lieutenant, had
been regimental adjutant at Camp Travis.
On coming to France he was made operations officer, and just before the
Division left the St. Mihiel sector took command of the 2d Battalion, Captain
Lyman Chatfield succeeding him as operations officer for the regiment.
The advance got under way at noon. In order to avoid the open ground south of
Andevanne, now being swept by enemy fire, Major Etter maneuvered the battalion
to the west through the Bois d’Andevanne, and went forward into the Bois
Carpiere, north of Andevanne. The
advance was made with such rapidity that enemy machine gunners were captured in
position, together with their guns. The
closeness of the fighting in this wood is illustrated by the extraordinary
experience of Sergeant Alfred Buchanan, Company G, who, upon returning from an
aid station after having his wounds dressed, reached the German lines instead
of our own, but succeeded in escaping and finding his own platoon which he led
with marked courage until wounded a second time. When darkness came the battalion had reached the narrow-gauge
railway running west through the woods from Côte 243. Lieutenant Thomas E. Hazlett, Company E, had been killed shortly
after the attack was launched. Captain
Charles D. Birkhead, Company F, and Lieutenant John S. LeClercq were wounded.
The 1st Battalion, which had moved forward to the right rear of the 2d Battalion, was in position south of Andevanne at 4:30 P. M., when Major W. H. H. Morris, the commanding officer, received orders to pass to the right of the 2d Battalion and seize Côte 243. Owing to the darkness it was necessary for the battalion to advance by compass bearing. Shells from our own artillery, which had been playing on the hill at intervals throughout the day, were bursting on Côte 243 when Major Morris reached the foot of the wooded heights. As telephonic communication with regimental headquarters had been maintained practically continuously, the artillery fire was soon stopped and the battalion moved up the hill. Major Morris established his P. C. there about 8:00 P. M. Captain Gustav Dittmar, Captain Mike Hogg, Lieutenant Lonus Read, and Lieutenant Robert Campbell were wounded during the advance. In mopping up the hill the next morning, a battery of 77’s and two 105’s and fifteen artillerymen, as well as the infantry officers, were captured. The guns were manned by our own artillery and fired on the Germans, there being a plentiful supply of ammunition at hand.
The 1st Battalion, 359th Infantry,
was subjected to an enemy heavy artillery barrage just as the attack got under
way. The advance proceeded rapidly,
despite the machine gun fire which swept the open ridges from the north, the
intermediate objective being reached at 6 A. M. and the corps objective at 9:30
A. M. During this advance Lieutenant
Raymond A. Schoberth, Company B, was killed by a shell fragment near Cheline
Ravine. Early in the morning he had
been wounded by a machine gun bullet, but refused to give up. He was awarded the D. S. C. posthumously.
While
organizing the line of the corps objective, which it was planned to hold
against counter-attacks during the night of November 1, the battalion suffered
very heavily from artillery fire.
Captain John R. Burkett, Company C; Lieutenant Eugene C. Bell, Company
B; and Lieutenant Eugene A. Scanlon, Company D, were killed here.
The
1st Battalion was commanded by Major William R. Brown, who, as a captain, had
served as regimental operations officer during the St. Mihiel offensive. Captain George Knox, who had done excellent
work as regimental intelligence officer, was now operations officer.
During this advance the 2d Battalion
had followed the 1st as support. Some
casualties had been suffered in passing through Bantheville and Bourrut, on
which towns the enemy had laid down a thick barrage; but the company officers,
inspired by the example of Major Tom G. Woolen, the battalion commander, led
the men through without the slightest interruption of the regularity of the
approach formation. In the advance one
platoon of Company F extended too far to the right and came under machine gun
fire. Two guns and their crews of four
men each were speedily captured.
Lieutenant Vernon B. Zacher, commanding the platoon, was awarded the D.
S. C.
At 1:30 P. M. the 2d Battalion
passed through the 1st and continued the advance toward Chassogne Farm. The farm itself offered no resistance, as
the artillery had played havoc with it; but, on reaching this crest, the
battalion found itself under machine gun fire from all sides. Darkness found the battalion’s outposts
along the Aincreville-Villers-devant-Dun road, at the edge of the triangular
woods north of Aincreville. Patrols
brought back the information that the enemy was falling back toward Villers.
The big attack had been a complete
success. By 4:30 P. M. – the hour that the
2d Battalion, 360th Infantry, had achieved its mission for the day – all troops
of the 180th Brigade were on the corps objective, thus breaking the Freya
Stellung. The other divisions in the
1st Army had also succeeded in their missions, and the enemy’s main line of
resistance was broken. In order to make
the most of the exploitation, division orders were issued about 6 P. M. for the
180th Brigade to organize the corps objective line for defense, at the same time
pushing forward fresh troops with the utmost vigor. The 179th Brigade in the meantime had been telephoned to move
forward to position in the woods west of Bantheville.
But, owing to the general
disorganization of the enemy, corps instructions were issued at 11 P. M.,
ordering a further advance on November 2 than was originally contemplated. Hence division orders were also
changed. The 179th Brigade was given
the task of holding the corps objective to guard against counterattacks, and
General McAlexander was directed to use his entire brigade to push the advance
on November 2 to the Halles-Mont-devant-Sassey bluffs.
View taken of Bantheville while it was being shelled on
the morning of the drive, November 1.
P. C. Sterling of the 359th Infantry, one kilometer
north of Cunel.
The officers shown are, from left to right:
Captain Geo. Young,
Colonel E. K.
Sterling, Captain Irwin O. Montgomery,
Captain G. P.
Knox and Lieutenant Chas. P. Hinkle.
THE next morning severe machine
gun opposition was encountered all along the division front. As there was no set program for the day’s
attack, infantry commanders called for artillery support as the centers of
resistance developed. In the sector of
the 360th Infantry – whose fortunes will be considered first – it was found
that the principal volume of fire came from Hill 321, a very small, wooded
eminence immediately northeast of Villers-devant-Dun, and from Bois de Raux, a
patch of woods, about half a kilometer wide, which lay to the west of Hill
321. At 11:30 A. M. an hour’s artillery
preparation was ordered on these two positions preparatory to an attack. In the meantime the 3d Battalion, which had
spent the night on the corps objective, moved up and prepared to pass through the
2d Battalion.
About 1:30 P. M. the 3d Battalion
moved against Bois de Raux and the 1st Battalion began its attack on Hill
321. The 1st Battalion met with
particularly bitter opposition. The
little hill they had set out to take was a solid nest of machine gunners who
had been left in their positions to fight a rear-guard action to the
death. Obedient to command, these men
in field-gray performed their work well, and many of them died at their posts
at the point of the bayonet. But, led
on by the example of Major Morris, who, despite his wounds, exposed himself to
the deadly fire, and pointed out the enemy positions with the walking-stick
which he always carried, by 2:15 P. M. our men had captured the hill and were
moving further to the north.
Both the officers and men of Company
A, which led this assault, displayed marked heroism. The company commander, Captain Charles E. Delano, received a
wound during the action and went to the aid station to have it dressed. While at the aid station he received the
news that Lieutenant George P. Cole had been killed, that Lieutenant Harold H.
Shear was seriously wounded, and that the company was without an officer. He immediately started again for the front,
but was killed on rejoining his company.
Even the 1st Sergeant was put out of action. But the company had been inspired by the fine acts of courage of
its officers, and continued the advance under the ranking sergeant, Robert J.
Moreland, even repelling a counter-attack after it passed Hill 321.
In the 2d Battalion Lieutenant Burr
S. Weaver and Lieutenant Govan N. Stroman were wounded.
THE 359th Infantry found its task on November 2 to be
much more difficult than that of the preceding day. In a dense fog at 5:30 A. M. the 2d Battalion, which had taken
over from the 1st Battalion the afternoon of November 1, was formed up as
follows to go after the Hun: Company H to go north to Villers, with Company E
in support; Company F to clear the triangular wood, take Remé Farm, and
continue north, Company G being in support.
Company F did not encounter serious difficulty in the first part of its
mission, but it was brought to a standstill south of the road which runs
southeast from Villers-devant-Dun to Doulcon by fire from the heights “en
Haut,” just north of the road. Company
G took up the advance. Lieutenant John
C. Patterson was shot through the leg, and the command passed to Lieutenant Patrick
J. Murphy, who was the first man of the
company to hurdle the wire.
Company H had its troubles from the
outset. Machine gun positions had been
sited skillfully to cover the road from Aincreville to Villers-devant-Dun. After these positions had been cleared, the
advancing line came under fire from the heights “en Haut,” from the vicinity of
Villers itself, and from the eastern edge of Hill 321. The supporting artillery fired on these
positions for twenty minutes, after which the advance was renewed, and by 2 P.
M. Company H had taken the town and the
crest to the north. These positions
were held under the most trying circumstances A rain of artillery came pouring
down as soon as the Germans were out, and small detachments of the enemy, with
light machine guns, worked forward by rushes up the Ravin du Fond de Theisse
and attempted to retake the town.
Captain H. S. Hilburn, commanding Company H, received the D. S. C. for
his work here.
The counter-attack was delivered by
troops of the 27th German Division, a first-class unit which was put into the
line after four weeks’ rest. According
to prisoners’ statements, this division was put in with the express purpose of
counter-attacking and saving the situation at this point. It went into position between the 88th and
28th German Divisions. Elements of
these three divisions, as well as of a fourth, the 107th Division, had opposed
the 180th Brigade during this operation.
While the enemy units became mixed during the retreat, and the order of
battle by sectors was hard to determine, it is probable that no units engaged
opposite the 90th Division were withdrawn, the presence of new troops
indicating a reinforcement.
In the meantime the 1st Battalion
had received orders to move north as far as Villers, pass through the 2d, and
continue northeast, south of the Villers-Montigny road. In the fog, a group of sixteen Company H men
on the heights north of Villers were overlooked and were not relieved. Lieutenant Walter S. Burke, who was in
command of this small force, had been wounded during the fighting but refused
to give in and maintained his post throughout the night.
The 1st Battalion carried on the
fight, arriving at the edge of the dense Bois de Sassey at nightfall. Forty-two Germans were killed in one nest of
resistance on the brink of the “punch bowl” east of “en Haut.” Corporal T. W.
Butcher, Company C, received the D. S. C. for his feat in capturing three
machine guns after he had been wounded in the back. Major Brown was cited in division orders. He had placed himself in the front line,
rounded up the men who had taken refuge in shell-holes and directed the
operations under machine gun fire. The
bravery of Captain William Fisk, Company D, also inspired the men of his
company to greater action. On this
occasion, as repeatedly on November 1, Corporal Clive C. Collier and Corporal
Glen A. Bell, both of Company D, displayed such soldierly qualities in leading
their squads that they were awarded crosses.
A little strip of woods called “les
Dix Jours” caused the last trouble of the day.
Here Captain Dan C. Leeper, who was posthumously awarded the D. S. C.,
was killed.
The part of the 3d Battalion, 359th
Infantry, in the two days of fighting had been to maintain liaison with the 5th
Division on the right. Before leaving
the Bois des Rappes on the morning of the 1st, Captain Victor H. Nysewander,
Company K, was killed by artillery fire.
During the night of the 1st, two companies connected the right of the 2d
Battalion with the 5th Division at Aincreville, the remaining two companies
being in position with the 1st Battalion on the corps objective. On November 2, Companies I and K entered
Bois de Babiemont, a wood which the 5th Division had experienced great
difficulty in taking from the south.
Patrols from these two companies explored the “punch bowl” and took up
position on Côte 216, two kilometers out of the Division sector. At night they
were pulled back to join their units.
During its two days of smashing
attacks, the 180th Brigade captured eighteen German officers and 789 enlisted
men, of which number a majority of the officers and about 680 men were taken by
the 360th Infantry. A considerable amount of artillery and sixty-eight machine
guns were taken also during the fighting of November 1 and 2. The 3d Battalion, 360th Infantry, captured
two 77’S near Grand Carré Farm, and a detail of artillerymen who had taken
station at Colonel Price’s P. C. turned them on the enemy immediately, there
being a plentiful supply of ammunition at hand. A battery of 77’s located south of Andevanne was abandoned by its
crew after the guns had been incapacitated for further use. A 210-mm. gun was captured by Major Etter’s
battalion north of Andevanne. From the
firing chart of one of the two 105’s captured on Côte 243, Colonel Price found
the explanation of the bombardment of his P. C. early the morning of November
1. It appeared that the shelter had
been spotted by aerial photography, and that the coordinates were turned over
to this gun as one of its targets.
The operations of the 180th Brigade
in breaking the Freya Stellung received the following commendations:
“From Chief of Staff, 1st Army, to
Chief of Staff, 3d Corps, November 1, 22h.20: The Army Commander desires to
congratulate the 3d Corps and express to you his appreciation of the work done
this date. He desires that you express his appreciation to the 90th
Division. Please have this information
transmitted to all organizations as far as possible this night.
DRUM.”
General Hines added to this the
following endorsement: “The corps commander desires to add his congratulations
to those of the army commander to express his appreciation of the gallant work
of your Division to-day.”
View showing Boche machine gun nest and dead gunner,
Villers-devant-Dun.
TO this brief exposition of the
infantry action of November 1 and 2 must now be added an account of the part
played by machine guns and artillery.
The machine guns will be reviewed first. The most notable thing about their use was the manner in which
the 345th Machine Gun Battalion supported the advance of the infantry by direct
overhead fire. The terrain was
particularly adapted for effective barrage fire, and the degree of success with
which Major H. R. Kimberling, brigade machine gun officer, exploited this
opportunity established the action as one of the most successful machine gun
operations ever attempted on any front.
Companies A and B, 345th Machine Gun
Battalion, under command of Captain H. B. Irwin, were sited in the Bois des
Rappes, covering the ravines over which the 359th Infantry was to advance; and
Companies C and D, commanded by Captain Louis L. Chatkin, were in the northern
edge of the Bois de Bantheville, from which position they could neutralize the
edge of the Bois d’Andevanne as well as the positions around the town of
Andevanne itself.
Perhaps it will convey some faint
idea of the activity of these barrage guns to state that they fired a total of
approximately a million and a quarter rounds of ammunition. Nor were these bullets wasted. The greater part of this fire was observed,
and a German officer captured the first day testified that it was the most
intense machine gun fire he had ever witnessed. The guns also received credit for silencing two batteries of
enemy artillery – a very unusual feat.
About 11 A. M. November 1, a battery of artillery was located in the
triangular woods just east of Chassogne Farm, and Major Kimberling directed
twelve guns on this spot for twenty minutes, with the result that the battery
ceased to trouble us. A short time
later an observer in the Bois des Rappes saw the Germans trying to get their
guns out of the woods. Fire was again
opened. After the woods were captured,
the artillery pieces were found. The
sides of the horses which were hitched to the caissons were riddled with
bullets. About 1 P. M. another battery
was silenced near the Bois de Babiemont,
Companies
C and B fired from 5:30 to 7: 30 A. M., and then moved forward to join the
infantry. The guns in the Bois des
Rappes, however, continued firing for a period of nine and a half hours on
November 1 without stopping. Again, on
the morning of November 2, these same guns fired for forty-five minutes on
targets in the sector of the 359th Infantry, at a range of approximately 3000
meters, with good effect.
This wonderful result was achieved at the expense of only four men killed and twenty-one wounded. The slight casualties were due to the precautions which Major Kimberling took to have all men dig in properly before the action opened. The major assembled not only his officers, but his section leaders as well, at his headquarters at Nantillois several days before the attack, and there he explained in detail everything that was to be done. A model trench and machine gun emplacement, with section belt refilling station, had been dug at Nantillois. On the night of October 28 the men began digging similar emplacements for their barrage positions. During the daytime the range to all conceivable targets was taken, the compass bearings obtained, and charts made for each gun in order that all guns might be directed on the same target at a minute’s notice, if it should be so desired.
The gunners who fired with such
marvelous accuracy on November 1 had been without sleep for several days and
nights. In addition to the work
involved in digging in, there was an immense amount of ammunition to be carried
forward from the dumps to the guns. The
left group of gunners, in the Bois de Bantheville, were forced to carry 300,000
rounds from trucks which became stalled south of Bantheville.
But the 345th Machine Gun Battalion
was only half of the machine guns participating in this action, The other
gunners performed their tasks with equal distinction. The entire machine gun plan had been coordinated by Lieutenant
Colonel Ernest Thompson, division machine gun officer, who followed the
principle of keeping the guns out of the front wave, and, instead, searching
out commanding ground from which the guns could aid the infantry advance by
delivering direct overhead fire. The
343d Machine Gun Battalion was in readiness in the Bois de Bantheville before H
hour, and at 5:50 A. M. went over the top behind the assaulting infantry
wave. Company A established itself on
Hill 278, from which point it fired on the centers of resistance around
Andevanne. One gunner alone fired eight
boxes of ammunition on the edge of Bois d’Andevanne, with excellent
results. It was the plan for Company B
to move forward to Grand Carré Farm to cover the advance of the right regiment,
but only the 2d Platoon was able to arrive at the objective intact. The 1st and 2d Platoons, as well as the
Headquarters Platoon, suffered severely from shell fire. During the night of the 1st the 343d Machine
Gun Battalion moved forward and took up a defensive position on Côte 243. On November 2 the battalion assisted the
advance of the 1st Battalion, 360th Infantry, against Hill 321, and had a part
in breaking up the enemy counter-attack in that region. Despite its rapid movement, the battalion
maintained constant telephonic communication with Major Kimberling throughout
the action.
The regimental machine gun companies
of the 359th and 360th Infantry were attached to the assaulting battalions of
their regiments, advancing by bounds and covering the advance of the infantry
wave.
Although not an organic part of the
Division, the 155th Field Artillery Brigade, which supported the Division in
the attack, won for itself a warm place in the hearts of commanders, staffs,
and doughboys alike. Every member of
that brave organization, from Colonel Robert S. Welsh, the brigade commander,
who was killed by shell fire the morning of November 5 on the road between
Villers-devant-Dun and Montigny, down to the humblest gunner who assisted in
dragging his battery into position with ropes the night before the attack, has
the heart and soul of a soldier.
The 2d Battalion, 313th Field
Artillery, commanded by Major John Nash, particularly distinguished itself in
the eyes of the infantry. The regiment,
commanded by Colonel O. L. Brunzehl, was in direct liaison with General
McAlexander, and the 2d Battalion furnished the forward guns which were to
follow up and support the infantry advance by direct fire. Immediately after the infantry jumped off,
the batteries prepared to move forward.
In order to reach their positions south of Grand Carré Farm and behind
Ridge 270, it was necessary to cross the open ground under both machine gun and
artillery fire. Going first at a trot
and then at a gallop, Batteries D, E, and F went into action in a spectacular
manner that rallied the infantry and caused men to remark, “With such artillery
we can go through hell.” Captain
Anderson of Battery E was killed in this noble charge in the face of machine
gun fire.
There were only two hours of
preparatory fire before the attack.
However, during the night non-persistent gas had been fired into the
Bois d’Andevanne. The rolling barrage
under which the infantry advanced at H hour was exceedingly effective. This barrage, which was 1000 meters deep and
1200 meters wide, consisted of four waves, the first two being high
explosive. It was fired by seventeen
batteries of 75's and six batteries of 155’s.
The effectiveness of this fire was later revealed by the number of
machine gunners found dead in their fox-holes.
As the smoke made observation of the bursts impossible, different
heights of bursts were used. In
addition to this barrage, the advance of the 360th Infantry was aided by raking
fire on Grand Carré Farm, Côte 243, and other dangerous points. There was no rolling barrage in front of the
359th Infantry, the accompaniment consisting of raking fire on Cheline Ravine,
Chassogne Farm, and other suspected enemy positions.
The 2d Battalion, 314th Field
Artillery, was designated to fire on targets of opportunity and surprise. It was pulled by drag-ropes into the
northern edge of the Bois des Rappes, and there awaited its chances. But the fog and smoke so completely obscured
all observation that the battalion could render but little service.
Colonel William Tidball, who
succeeded Colonel Welsh in command of the brigade, commanded the heavy
regiment, the 315th Field Artillery. In
addition to the organic units of the 155th Field Artillery Brigade, the 16th
Field Artillery and the 250th R. A. C. P. (French) were under the divisional
artillery commander.
Before the action Captain Francis
Tweddell of the 305th Ammunition Train organized a detail of twenty-four men to
handle captured guns. Of the thirty-two
guns captured, four 77’s were used against the enemy, firing a total of 226
rounds, and two 105-mm. guns, firing a total of 275 rounds. A battery of 105’s put in operation on the
heights south of Mont-devant-Sassey was given the name of “Hindenburg.” The
principal difficulty found by Captain Tweddell was that the guns had been
stripped of their sights or disabled by the retiring enemy, or that there was
no transport available to haul them into range.
As in the St. Mihiel operation, the
gas troops were unable to be of great service.
Company F, 1st Gas Regiment, attached to the 90th Division, installed
four 4-inch Stokes mortars in the northern edge of Bois de Bantheville and
twenty gas projectors in the Ravin-dit-Fosse-de-Balandre, between the wood and
the town of Bantheville, and planned to assist the infantry with smoke screens
and lethal gas. But owing to adverse
wind conditions no gas was fired.
However, the mortars were able to fire thermite on enemy targets in the
woods south of the Bois d’Andevanne and Grand Carré Farm before H hour, and at
H hour to create a white phosphorus smoke screen. But about twenty minutes after the advance started, the Stokes
mortar section was caught by enemy shell-fire and broken up, five men being
killed and thirteen wounded.
The exploitation on November 2
turned out to be as costly as the set attack of the first day. In consideration of the urgent need of
pressing the enemy without respite, and owing to the fact that the 180th
Brigade had suffered heavy casualties and was nearing exhaustion, a division
order was issued at 2 P. M. directing the 179th Brigade to relieve the 180th
Brigade and carry on the latter’s mission of exploitation.
But, as on the previous night,
further information regarding the great success of the divisions further to the
west brought about a change in the army’s plans. The enemy was now in full retreat and was withdrawing so fast
that the 4th French Army, to the left of the 1st United States Army, had lost
contact altogether. The French troops
had entered Boult-aux-Bois, just east of the Argonne Forest, there making
connection with the Americans.
The front of the 90th Division was
the pivot of this retreat; Hill 321 and Villers-devant-Dun were the hinge which
had held fast while the door was swinging backward. So it was decided to attack in full force the morning of November
3 in order to smash this hinge.
Field Order No. 16, 90th Division,
specified that the 179th Brigade would make this attack, while the 180th
Brigade would continue to hold the line which it had established during the day
– Bois de Raux, Hill 321, Ravin de Theisse, and Les Dix Jours.
The objective of the attack was the
heights from Halles to the Meuse.
Simultaneously the 5th Division was to attack and then to cross the
Meuse.
After midnight of November 1-2, and
during the morning of the 2d, the troops of the 179th Brigade were moving
forward to occupy the corps objective.
The 357th Infantry got into position on the right, but the 1st
Battalion, 358th Infantry, captured four prisoners and suffered some losses from
shell-fire before getting into place.
During the night of November 2 the battalions of both regiments
continued the march to get in position for the passage of lines through the
180th Brigade.
CONSIDERABLE difficulty was anticipated in piercing the dense
woods on the Halles-Montigny heights.
The attack was to be made at 8 A. M., November 3, by the 358th on the
left and the 357th on the right. During
the night the artillery had bombarded enemy positions with gas, and a rolling
barrage advancing at the rate of 100 meters in eight minutes was put down in
front of the infantry. The 343d Machine
Gun Battalion was attached to the 179th Brigade.
Imagine the general surprise, then,
when the troops entered the woods without a hostile shot opposing them. The bursting of our own shells among the
trees, as the barrage crept forward, was the only artillery firing to be
heard. The Germans had made good their
escape across the Meuse during the night.
Our men went romping through the forest, and at 11: 30 A. M.
Lieutenant-Colonel Waddill, second in command of the 357th Infantry, sent back
this message from the heights south of Montigny: “No enemy in sight; no
artillery; good view for miles.”
As soon as full information
concerning the German withdrawal had been received by the 3d Army Corps, orders
were issued by headquarters of that corps directing the 90th Division to keep
up vigorous contact with the enemy and to push detachments, accompanied by
machine guns, across the Meuse River to protect a crossing. This order was immediately telephoned to
General O’Neil, who made plans accordingly.
The 357th Infantry prepared to put a force across the river at Sassey,
while the 358th Infantry exploited toward Stenay.
This was about noon. But during the afternoon another corps order
was issued, changing the previous plans, and providing that the 90th Division
would hold the bulk of its forces on the Halles-Montigny heights, while the 5th
Division, on the right, developed a bridgehead at Dun-sur-Meuse. The 90th Division was to aid with the bulk
of its artillery the establishment of this bridgehead, and was also to locate
and protect any undestroyed bridges over the Meuse within its sector.
IN the meantime the 1st Battalion, 357th Infantry, was
advancing toward Sassey-sur-Meuse and came under machine gun fire from east of
the river. It was found that a storm
arch had been blown out of the bridge at Sassey, leaving a gap of about sixty
feet, and that the foot-bridges at Sassey and Saulmaury were destroyed. The 2d and 3d Battalions assembled south of
Montigny. The P. C. of the 179th
Brigade was established at Montigny at 8:30 P. M., moving from Grand Carré
Farm, which had been left far behind in the rapid advance. The P. C., 357th Infantry, was also
established there. During the night
patrols from the 357th Infantry went up the river as far as possible without
entering the heavily gassed area in the Bois de Sassey, and down the river to
Wiseppe, where machine gun fire was encountered. The 358th Infantry assembled in the Bois de Halles, but the
regimental P. C. was not able to stay in Halles the afternoon of the 3d on
account of a gas concentration. It was
also found that a number of machine gun nests still remained north and east of
Halles, and approaches to the town were swept by their fire.
The period from the time our
victorious battalions reached the bluffs overlooking the Meuse River on
November 3 until definite orders were received on November 9 to make a crossing
and take up the pursuit, was one of great uncertainty. On October 30 the 3d Army Corps had issued a
“plan in case of withdrawal of the enemy,” which was to be effective when the
Germans began a general retirement. This
order provided that the 90th Division would cross the river at Stenay and
pursue almost due east toward Montmédy.
That this would be put into force was generally expected. During the afternoon and night of November 4
the 1st Battalion, 358th Infantry, moved up to Côte 205, a height half-way
between Halles and Laneuville (the latter town being across the river from
Stenay), and sent patrols into Laneuville, where similar patrols from the 89th
Division were met. On November 5 the P.
C. of the 358th Infantry moved to Boulain Farm, occupying the former P. C. of a
German division commander, and the 2d Battalion moved to Bois de Boulain in
support of the 1st Battalion. On
November 6 the 3d Battalion filtered across the Wiseppe River and took up a
position near the 1st and 2d Battalions in the southeastern edge of the ForLt de Dieulet.
Likewise, the artillery was moved forward to cover a crossing in
that vicinity. During the night of
November 3 and the morning of November 4 the 313th and 315th Field Artillery
regiments were moved to positions east and south of Villers-devant-Dun in order
to aid the 5th Division in establishing the Dun bridgehead. But on the night of November 6, both
regiments moved forward again to positions near Halles, the 313th batteries
being located near the town of Halles and in the Chenois Woods, and the 315th’s
guns going into the ravine running north from Le Fourneau, just west of Bois de
Halles. The 314th Field Artillery
regiment, in liaison with the 179th Brigade, went into the Bois de Mont on the
morning of November 4, along the road running west from Mont-devant-Sassey, and
remained there during this period.
Engineering
preparations were also made for this crossing.
All the area between Laneuville and Stenay was very low, and the road
connecting these two towns was on an embankment. Between the Stenay railway station, which is nearer Laneuville
than Stenay itself, and the Meuse River proper, there were a number of small
streams, including the Wiseppe River.
This Laneuville-Stenay roadway was in the nature of a long approach fill
leading to the bridge proper, and there were five openings in the fill, varying
in length from thirty to eighty feet, over the five streams. A reconnaissance showed that not only had
the main bridge been destroyed, but the structures spanning the small streams had
also been blown up.
The stream channel had been flooded by locking the gates of the canal and by felling trees along the river bank. As the flooded area was about a kilometer wide, it was impossible to cross except on the approach; so preparations were made to bridge its gaps. Company E, 315th Engineers, was assigned to this work, and the necessary material for the job was hauled from a German dump at Montigny to Laneuville by the trucks of the 315th Engineer Train and trucks of the 343d Machine Gun Battalion. It was expected to cross the river proper by pontoons, and a pontoon train was sent up by the army. But the change in plans rendered this work unnecessary, and the river was bridged by other engineers after the armistice.
The engineering work was directed by
Colonel Jarvis J. Bain, who was assigned as division engineer when Colonel Pope
returned to the United States.
Although the exact direction of the
next advance was uncertain, there being an intimation from higher headquarters
that the Division might push north on the west side of the river instead of
crossing, General O’Neil continued to make preparations for getting across the
Meuse in case a forced crossing were ordered.
Several boats and rafts were constructed by the 315th Engineers and men
of the Brigade.
A bridge across the Meuse River, between Laneuville and
Stenay,
which was blown
up by the Germans in their retreat.
Bridges over the Meuse River, showing damage left by
the Germans in their retreat.
THE orders of the corps between
November 4 and the night of November 7 stressed the reconnaissance of river
crossings in the vicinity of Stenay, as well as pushing patrols across the
stream to keep contact with the enemy.
During this time the 5th Division was crossing the Meuse further south
and was developing a bridgehead at Dun-sur-Meuse, while the 89th Division and
divisions further to the west were cleaning out the enemy on the west bank of
the river as far north as Sedan. The
5th Division effected a crossing on the night of November 4-5 at Brieniles, and
on November 5 the 32d Division, which had been in 3d Corps reserve behind the
90th Division, sent a regiment across to work on the right flank of the 5th
Division. Several temporary bridges had
been constructed, and a bridge capable of carrying heavy trucks at
Dun-sur-Meuse was in operation on November 6.
This period of waiting sorely tried
the patience of the men, who were eager to keep after the Boche. And the longer the halt lasted, the worse
the situation became. Artillery fire on
Halles, Montigny, Mont, the road from Villers-devant-Dun to Montigny, and other
points daily became heavier; bombing planes paid nightly visits to practically
all the towns holding troops, including Villers-devant-Dun, to which town
Division Headquarters had moved on November 3; and the machine gun positions
east of the Meuse were strengthened.
The last enemy machine guns were not
cleared out of Wiseppe until the night of November 4. At daybreak that morning Captain DeWitt Neighbors, Company E,
357th Infantry, had advanced against the town, but was forced to withdraw after
having fourteen men killed and thirty-eight wounded. Lieutenant Thomas S. Frere was badly wounded. The withdrawal was so hasty that six wounded
men were left behind. These men were
picked up by the Germans and taken to a building in Wiseppe, where they were
given first-aid treatment, food, and wine.
They were found again when the town was re-occupied by our troops on
November 6. On the afternoon of
November 4, Companies E and H, 357th Infantry, again advanced and reached Hill
206, northwest of Wiseppe, but the town was avoided, as the Germans were then
shelling it very heavily.
The territory between the bluffs and
the river is as smooth as the top of a table, and any movement drew enemy
fire. Patrols attempting to investigate
the condition of the river bank and crossings were sniped at, not only by
rifles and machine guns, but also by one-pounder guns and 77’s. The information desired was obtained under
the most trying circumstances and at the greatest possible risk. Imagine, for example, the situation of
Lieutenant Frank Feuille, 358th Infantry, who went out on November 6 in broad
daylight to investigate river crossings east of Wiseppe. He was forced to cross the Wiseppe River, in
plain view of the enemy, and after every movement there went whizzing by his
head a one-pounder shell from a gun on the east bank of the Meuse.
Attempts to cross the Meuse were
costly. On the night of November 5 a
patrol from the 357th Infantry placed a ladder across the gap in the cement
bridge at Sassey, but the fire on the bridge was so heavy that no crossing was
made. Lieutenant Wendell F. Prime,
attached to Company L, was killed the same night in attempting to cross near
Saulmaury. The first crossing was made
on the night of November 6, opposite Villefranche, in a boat.
Patrols of the 358th Infantry were
particularly active in investigating approaches to Stenay. On the 8th a patrol led by Lieutenant Rufus
Boylan, 2d Battalion, succeeded in wading across the five streams between
Stenay station and the main bridge, and brought back much valuable
information. On November 6 one platoon
of the 358th Infantry took station in Laneuville. Engineers who accompanied the other troops removed no less than
twenty-five treacherous mines from the buildings in which the men were later
billeted.
On November 7, while the 5th
Division was engaged in operations which resulted in the capture of Côte Saint
Germain, a formidable height east of Sassey, patrols from the 1st Battalion,
357th Infantry, crossed at Sassey and went about two kilometers north along the
river. Due to the advances on the east
bank, the enemy were evacuating the lowlands between the river and the
canal. This patrol also established a
post in a stone building about 750 meters southeast of Sassey, in the angle
formed by the canal and a bend in the river.
During the night a detachment from the 5th Division came up to this
point and a joint post was established.
A very amusing incident occurred
about 5:20 o’clock that afternoon. Five
ambulances from the 5th Division, which had evidently lost their direction,
went too far along the Route Nationale, which runs north from Dun-sur-Meuse to
Stenay, and were captured north of Sassey.
The ambulance drivers’ plight was observed by Lieutenant R. H. Peake,
Company C, 357th Infantry, who was inspecting his outposts, and also by an engineer
officer of the 32d Division, who had begun work about noon that day repairing
the Sassey bridge. Prompt action by
these two officers, operating on both sides of the roadway, succeeded in
recapturing the ambulances. Four
Germans, with three light machine guns, were also captured and sent back to the
5th Division in the ambulances under guard of two men from Company C.
On November 7 the Division received
orders to organize its sector for defense.
Division orders were accordingly issued, stating that the 179th Brigade
would hold the outpost line along the Meuse and the main line of resistance
along the heights from Halles to the Meuse.
The 180th Brigade continued in reserve.
This brigade had followed up the advance on November 3, the troops of
the 359th Infantry going into barracks south of Montigny, and the 360th
Infantry bivouacking in the Bois de Montigny.
The brigade P. C. was at Villers-devant-Dun, the 359th P. C. at
Montigny, and the 360th at St. Marie Farm, the second farm of that name to play
a part in the Division’s history.
The physical condition of the men of
the 360th Infantry was very serious at this time. The physical strain of the severe fighting in piercing the Freya
Stellung; the damp, unhealthy surroundings in which they found themselves in
the Bois de Montigny, without sufficient blankets or overcoats, as all packs
had not yet been brought up; impure water and cold meals at uncertain hours –
these were some of the circumstances which made nearly forty per cent of the
regiment victims of diarrhea, and twenty per cent, patients with sub-acute
bronchitis. In view of these
conditions, it was decided to put the men in better billets. The morning of November 7 they marched to
billets as follows: Regimental P. C. and 3d Battalion, Andevanne; 1st
Battalion, Villers-devant-Dun; and 2d Battalion, Bantheville.
The shelling of Montigny with
long-range guns during the day of the 8th pointed to the withdrawal of the
enemy light artillery. This seemed to
indicate that he was retiring to another position further to the rear. Accordingly, all troops were kept on the
alert, and patrolling was very vigorous.
One patrol from the 357th Infantry reached the outskirts of Mouzay and
another got to a point south of the Bois de Lion, both patrols encountering
machine gun fire at several points.
On the morning of November 9 reports
definitely indicated that the Germans had withdrawn and halted on a line
connecting the heights two kilometers east of Stenay and the heights north of
Baalon. The moment had come to take up
the pursuit.
The reason for all the delay was now
beginning to become evident. The first
goal of the Meuse-Argonne offensive was to cut the railway –
Metz-Montmédy-Sedan-MéziPres-Lille.
This had been definitely accomplished by the 6th, when the 42d Division
reached a point on the Meuse opposite Sedan.
General Pershing’s plan for the further use of the American forces was
for the 1st Army to advance between the Meuse and the Moselle in the direction
of Longwy; the 2d Army, which extended the line of the 1st Army east to a point
just beyond the Moselle, to attack toward the iron-fields of Briey; and, later
on, for six American divisions to assume the offensive near Nancy in the
direction of Château-Saline, in conjunction with nineteen French divisions,
under the command of General Mangin.
The attack of the 2d Army was made on November 10, and was in progress
when stopped by the armistice. The date
of the un-fought battle in Lorraine was set for November 14.
While
the wait of six days did not appeal to the eager soldiers of the 90th Division,
it was in keeping with the strategical plan.
During the last three days of this waiting period the 5th and 32d
Divisions, in conjunction with French troops on their right, had forced the
Germans from the hills along the Meuse and had driven them into the plain.
Orders
were received shortly after noon of the 9th to begin the crossing of infantry
at once. The engineers promised to have
the bridge at Sassey, which would take artillery and wagons, ready by 4 P. M.
The 179th Brigade was ordered to move out at once as advance-guard. To the 358th Infantry was assigned the task of taking Stenay. The 357th Infantry was to take the wooded heights west and south of Baalon, known as Bois du Chenois, and to assist the 358th Infantry in taking Stenay and the heights to the northeast of that city. Although several foot-bridges had been constructed, it was deemed best to cross the entire brigade over the repaired bridge at Sassey. Unfortunately, during the period of waiting the 358th Infantry had been moved to the woods near Laneuville, with a view of crossing at Stenay, and was forced to march over seven kilometers to Sassey and thence back up an equal distance on the other side of the river before the attack could be launched.
THE 357th Infantry moved out first. The 1st Battalion’s leading unit started
across the bridge about 5 P. M. The 358th Infantry followed the 357th, and
then came the 314th Field Artillery and Companies D and F of the 315th
Engineers, attached to the 179th Brigade, and one battalion of the 315th Field
Artillery Regiment. The brigade P. C.
moved to Sassey at 6 P. M. The 3d
Battalion, 358th Infantry, and one battalion, 313th Field Artillery, were left
near Côte 205 to guard the left flank of the Division. On the afternoon of November 10 the 3d
Battalion was ordered to cross at Villefranche and join the regiment. But when General Allen decided to continue
the attack on November 11 with the 180th Brigade, further orders were sent to
the 3d Battalion, stopping it for the night to billet in Villefranche.
The movement of the artillery up the
Route Nationale was hampered by craters which had been blown by the retreating
Germans, by destroyed bridges, and by trees which had been felled across the
highway. These obstacles were quickly
smoothed out by the engineers, and the road made passable by 2 this A. M.,
although prisoners stated that it had been calculated to delay the artillery at
east forty-eight hours.
During the night the 180th Brigade,
in reserve, moved forward, and the next morning the 359th Infantry crossed at
Sassey and the 360th at Dun-sur-Meuse.
When the 1st Battalion, 357th Infantry,
reached Mouzay, about midnight, the town was being heavily shelled, and the
troops were disposed in the safest places on the outskirts. Mouzay had been entered on November 9 by
troops of the 5th Division, who soon withdrew to operate further to the east in
the ForLt du Woevre.
By 3 A. M. of the 10th, brigade and both regimental P. C.’s were in
Mouzay.
Colonel Hartmann, who had been
gassed on September 21 but remained in command, went to the hospital on the
night of November 7, and was succeeded by Lieutenant-Colonel James Everington,
who was in turn succeeded on the morning of November 10 by Lieutenant-Colonel
Waddill.
The news of the abdication of the
Kaiser came at the moment that the Meuse was being crossed. In a despatch from Berlin, the Imperial
Chancellor, Prince Max of Baden, published the statement: “The Emperor and King
has decided to abdicate the throne.”
The end of hostilities was now plainly in sight. Since the signing of the armistice with Bulgaria on October 29, with Turkey on October 31, and with Austria-Hungary on November 4, the days of further fighting had been numbered. The hope for peace, however, did not in any way slow down the offensive. Rather, it was the universal desire to fight all the harder in order to deliver the knockout blow as soon as possible.
Through the radio despatches sent
out from the Eiffel Tower in Paris, picked up by division, brigade and
regimental radio sets, the progress of the armistice negotiations was followed
with interest. On November 7 the
following message was received from Marshal Foch’s headquarters:
“If parliamentarians present
themselves at any point on the front to submit request to Marshal Foch, they
will be stopped at the front line division.
This division will immediately inform Marshal Foch of their status and
the object of their mission. They will
be detained at the division until Marshal Foch has made known his reply.”
However, the delegates did not come our way At 10:30 P. M.,
November 7, the plenipotentiaries arrived in the French lines at Hondroy, north
of La Capelle, some twenty-five kilometers northeast of Guise.
View showing section of flooded area between Sassey and
Stenay
and trees felled by the Germans along the line of
retreat.
German Prisoners of the 92d Regiment, 20th Division,
being questioned
by Lieutenant
Deschler, Corps of Interpreters, at Sassey-sur-Meuse.
These were the last prisoners taken by the division
before the armistice.
THE fighting on the day preceding
the armistice was both severe and costly. It is probable that no other division
in the Expeditionary Forces met with such stubborn resistance during the last
hours preceding the cessation of hostilities. According to prisoners’ statements,
the next German position behind the Meuse was along the heights north and east
of the Chiers River, which runs through Montmédy. But the retirement to this
position was by no means precipitate.
In order to cover this withdrawal, the enemy had left two companies out
of each regiment, reinforced by machine gun detachments, on the heights between
Stenay and Baalon and in the Bois du Chenois, southwest of Baalon, and this
force fought with the fiendish skill which characterized German rear-guards.
Realizing the importance of this
pivotal sector opposite the 90th Division, the German high command had thrown
into line there its last remaining fresh division – the 20th – a first-class
unit. The 55th Infantry regiment of the
13th Division, also a first-class organization, opposed the 358th Infantry at
Stenay. The enemy order of battle on
the last day was, from west to east: 55th Infantry Regiment (13th Division);
92d Infantry Regiment; 77th Infantry Regiment; 79th Infantry Regiment (20th
Division), and; 354th Infantry Regiment (216th Division).
The casualties in our ranks on
November 10 testify to the nature of the operations, one officer and 33
enlisted men being killed, and 12 officers and 171 men wounded.
Of primary interest is the fighting
for Stenay, where was located in 1916 the headquarters of the German Crown
Prince during the attack on Verdun. The
2d Battalion, 358th Infantry, led the attack.
This battalion had marched all night long from its position south of
Laneuville, and reached Mouzay about daybreak.
The night was bitter cold, and the feet of many of the men, and many of
the officers as well, were so badly frozen that they could hardly walk
farther. It was only the bare remnant
of a battalion which took up the advance at six o’clock.
About one and a half kilometers
north of Mouzay was an old French rifle-range called the “Stand.” Machine gun
fire from this place, as well as from pits along the Route Nationale from
Mouzay to Stenay, barred the way. But,
led by Company G, the companies maneuvered around these positions, and, under
cover of the unimproved road branching off south of the Stand, the progress
continued. By 7:15 A. M. men had
entered the outskirts of the town, and two hours later the battalion had gained
possession of the quadrangle of buildings called La Forge and established its
P. C. there. This structure was a
bakery, and there were captured two thousand loaves of bread and seventeen
“fishes,” the latter being German prisoners.
The battalion’s advance was materially assisted by Company C, 343th
Machine Gun Battalion, one platoon being used on each flank of the support
companies to keep down harassing fire.
Captain J. F. Hennessey, Jr., commanding Company C, was cited for his work
here.
The
north wall of the quadrangle was covered by machine guns and snipers, and any
attempt to leave this shelter meant death.
The Americans could reply only by firing from the windows of the
bakery. But their aim was so deadly
that twenty-four Germans were accounted for.
All of these victims, it was later found, were shot through the head,
the only exposed portion of the body.
According to German officers interviewed after the armistice, the gun
with which their men did most damage was located in the steeple of the church
at Stenay. Guns intrenched off an
island between the river and the canal also made the Americans’ position
uncomfortable. In this predicament
Major Sim C. Souther counted his rifles, and found that he had exactly
eighty-five. This number was manifestly
insufficient to mop up a city the size of Stenay, and a report was made to
regimental headquarters. Heavy
artillery fire rendered the battalion’s situation even more precarious.
About
nine o’clock the 1st Battalion, which had been in support, was ordered to
reinforce on the right, and proceeded immediately toward Stenay along the main
Stenay-Mouzay road. Its advance was
held up, however, near the French barracks known as Blanc Fontaine, five
hundred meters out of Stenay, by the cross-fire of machine gunners and snipers
from the church steeple in the city, and from the slopes of Aviation Hill to
the east of Stenay. The 2d Battalion
had been protected partially by the morning fog, but this lifted, unhappily, in
time to expose the 1st Battalion. A
machine gun mounted in a window of the barracks kept down some of the enemy
fire, and Major Danenhour, firing a rifle from another window, personally
accounted for some snipers. But the
heavy casualties and the reduced strength of the organization rendered further
advance inadvisable and the men were ordered to dig in and hold on.
When the progress slowed down,
Colonel Leary decided to go forward and look at matters for himself. En route he came across about 150 men,
consisting of part of a machine gun company and a platoon of riflemen, who had
become separated from the battalion near the Stand. Colonel Leary personally led this detachment forward to replenish
the thin front line. For this act of
heroism he was awarded the D. S. C. On
account of the difficulty of locating the enemy machine guns with sufficient
accuracy for the artillery to knock them out, Colonel Leary gave orders to
organize for defense, worry the Boche all night, and clean up the town the next
morning.
This was done. Patrols, advancing cautiously the morning of
the 11th, found that the Germans had evacuated, barricading the two principal
streets with the finest French furniture, rifled from residences. A patrol led by Lieutenant Frank Feuille
found four Germans who had been left behind.
Before eleven o’clock outposts had been established around the city,
with machine guns sited on all roads.
About two hundred civilians remained in Stenay, hundreds of others
having been evacuated during the last few days of fighting. Early in the morning a little girl was sent
by the citizens to the bakery to present a bouquet of flowers and a flag to
Major Soother and Captain Hennessey, who were welcomed as the deliverers of
Stenay.
French civilians, under German rule for four years,
gathered at the city hall
of Mouzay to receive food and supplies from the
Americans on the day following
the evacuation by the Germans, November 11, 1918.
Street scene showing American soldiers in Stenay on the
day
following the taking of the town by the 358th Infantry.
A VIEW of the terrain is
essential to an understanding of the operations of the 357th Infantry. The town of Baalon, the immediate objective
of the regiment, was situated in the valley of the ravine of a creek which
flowed northward into the Chiers, about three and a half kilometers northeast
of Mouzay and the same distance east of Stenay. A ridge running from northwest to southeast hides Baalon from
both Stenay and Mouzay. The part of
this ridge between Baalon and Mouzay is covered by a wood called Bois du
Chenois. On the open part of the ridge
between Stenay and Baalon were a German aviation field and Jardinelle Farm.
When the 1st Battalion, 357th
Infantry, reached Mouzay, it was ordered to remain there in reserve, at the
same time sending out patrols to connect with the 5th Division in the ForLt de Woevre.
To the 3d Battalion, supported by the 2d Battalion, was assigned the
task of taking Baalon. Captain Hopkins,
battalion commander, was knocked down by a shell at Mouzay, fragments of the
same shell striking Captain Leister, Company K, in the leg, causing the loss of
the limb. 1st Lieutenant Frank J.
Lindsey, battalion intelligence officer, took command, and during the night led
his men along the Mouzay-Baalon road, by daybreak reaching the center of the
Bois du Chenois. Shortly before eight
o’clock the battalion P. C., while moving forward, was near this road at the
edge of the woods overlooking Baalon.
This position was observed by the Germans and was immediately fired on. A shell struck in the center of the
group. Lieutenant Paul O. Pretre,
regimental intelligence officer, was killed, and Captain Robert S. Marx,
regimental operations officer, who had been sent to take command of this
battalion, was severely wounded.
Lieutenant W. B. Johnson, battalion adjutant, was wounded, and the battalion
sergeant-major and corporal observer were killed.
Shortly before nine o’clock the 2d
Battalion received orders to assist the 358th Infantry’s attack on Stenay by
advancing against Aviation Hill, but at 9:50 o’clock this was changed, and the
mission of the 357th Infantry was given as pushing on toward Montmédy with all
energy and speed. In the meantime the
3d Battalion was having great difficulty in taking Baalon. A patrol which succeeded in entering the
town was driven out by superior numbers, and all attempts to cross the ravine
south of the town were defeated by machine gun fire from the opposite bank.
Lieutenant-Colonel Waddill now
planned the maneuver as follows: Artillery fire was put on Baalon and vicinity
from 10:30 to 12 o’clock; then the 2d Battalion was to capture Jardinelle Farm
and advance on Baalon from the northwest; the 3d Battalion to go forward again
when the 2d Battalion had succeeded in its mission. By clever maneuvering, Major Lammons had the farm in his
possession by 2:40 o’clock, and was going on when instructions were received
that the 2d and 3d Battalions would hold the high ground which overlooked
Baalon.
The 3d Battalion would have run
short of ammunition during these operations had it not been for the bravery of
eleven men of Company D, 315th Engineers which had been attached to the brigade
in the movement forward. These men
volunteered to carry the boxes forward, and succeeded in delivering them after
crossing two and a half kilometers in the face of artillery and machine gun
fire. The work of the 179th Brigade,
November 10, was summed up in the official communiqué of G. H. Q. for that
evening as follows: “Troops of the 1st Army reached the southern outskirts of
Stenay and occupied Bois du Chenois, south of Baalon’’
The Division had given the order to
the 179th Brigade to hold the ground it had captured, with the intention of
passing through the 180th Brigade, which was to renew the attack at daybreak in
the direction of Montmédy. This order
was issued about eleven o’clock on the night of the 10th. Further orders from the 3d Army Corps
changed the zone of action of the 90th Division, and assigned the national
highway from Stenay to Montmedy to the 89th Division, on our left. Still later in the night, at about 1 A. M.,
it was necessary to make still further changes.
Field Order No. 21, 90th Division,
as finally issued, explained the plans for November 11 as follows: The first
mission of the Division would be to assist the 89th Division in crossing the
Meuse at Pouilly and by pontoon bridges between Inor and Stenay. This mission was to be carried out by the
179th Brigade by pressing the enemy and seizing any ground possible between
Stenay and Baalon. The 89th Division
was to attack at daybreak and capture the heights east and southeast of
Inor. When it had succeeded in this
task, the second mission of the 90th Division would be undertaken, namely, to
advance in liaison with the 89th Division against the heights overlooking the
Chiers River.
The 180th Brigade was to perform
this second mission. It moved up before
daylight of the 11th, in readiness to advance when the time came. The 1st Battalion relieved the 3d Battalion,
357th Infantry, about midnight and had its jump-off positions prepared. The 2d Battalion was in support and the 3d
Battalion in reserve. The 359th
Infantry was formed up in the Bois du Chenois, with the 3d Battalion leading
and the 2d and 1st Battalions in support and reserve respectively. The principal force of the 89th Division
crossed at Pouilly, although two battalions went over on the foot-bridge
opposite Villefranche, which had been built by Company E, 315th Engineers.
The Germans’ artillery severely
gassed Mouzay during the night of November 10-11, despite the presence of about
six hundred civilians. General O’Neil
was awarded the Croix de Guerre for his efforts on behalf of the
population. The headquarters and troops
located in the town suffered, as did also the men of the 180th Brigade, who
were moving forward into position. Major J. W. F. Allen. 3d Battalion, 360th
Infantry, was among those evacuated.
THE glad tidings that the armistice was signed were
received at division headquarters at 7:20 A. M. The following bulletin from the 3d Army Corps was published:
“1. You
are informed that hostilities will cease along the whole front at 11 hours on
November 11, 1918, Paris time.
“2.
No allied troops will pass the line reached by them at that hour and date until
further orders.
“3.
All communication with the enemy, both before and after the termination of
hostilities, is absolutely forbidden.
In case of violation of this order the severest disciplinary measures
will be immediately taken. Any officer
offending will be sent to these headquarters under guard.
“4. Every emphasis will he laid on the fact that
the arrangement is an armistice only, and not a peace.
“5. There must not be the slightest relaxation of vigilance. The troops must be prepared any moment for further operations. Special steps will be taken by all commanders to insure the strictest discipline and that all troops are in readiness and fully prepared for any eventualities. Division and brigade commanders and commanders of corps units will personally inspect all organizations with the foregoing in view.
“By command of Major-General Hines:
CAMPBELL
KING,
Chief
of Staff.”
The news that the “war is over” was
received without excitement. The men of
the 1st Battalion, 360th Infantry, who were set for another scrap, were almost
disappointed. They sighed, and dug in a
little deeper, for “you never can tell.”
Patrols of the 179th Brigade were busy before eleven o’clock
straightening out their line. Stenay
was occupied throughout by the 2d Battalion, 358th Infantry; the 1st Battalion,
358th Infantry, took over the heights to the east of the city; and the 2d
Battalion, 357th Infantry, occupied Baalon.
This line was extended by the 1st Battalion, 360th Infantry, along the
northeast edge of the Bois du Chenois.
That was the way the official line ran at the time the armistice went
into effect.
The German artillery had a little
spree before abandoning their guns.
Mouzay was shelled about 8:30 A. M.
The 155th Field Artillery Brigade replied with retaliatory fire until
9:30 A. M., when all firing ceased. The
German artillery fire claimed four victims on the morning of November 11. Three of these were killed between seven and
eight o’clock in the Bois du Chenois, namely, Sergeant Joe G. Lloyd, Corporal
Russel E. Wylie, and Private Earl Barkduhl, all of Company L, 359th
Infantry. The last man of the Division
to be killed in action was Mechanic Carl Sheffield, Company B, 360th Infantry,
who was killed about 10:30 A. M. at Mouzay.
Division
headquarters moved to Mouzay on the morning of November 11, headquarters of the
two Brigades and the four regiments also being located there. The Division P. C. was at Sassey-sur-Meuse
on the night of November 10.
An exterior view of the Château des Verdier, the home
in Stenay
of the German crown prince for thirty-two months. The officers here shown
are from left to right: Major-General H. T. Allen,
commanding 90th division;
Colonel J. H. Reeves, commanding 177th Brigade, 89th
Division; Colonel J. J. Kingman,
Chief of Staff, 90th Division; and Major G. E. English,
Adjutant, 177th Brigade, 89th Division.
Major General Henry T. Allen and a portion of his staff
at Mouzay, preceding the ceremony
of presenting
D. S. C.’s to officers and men off the division, November 14.